Tag: Town

  • ‘Australia’s Bigfoot’ watched over the small town of Kilcoy for decades. Then one day, it disappeared

    The small town of Kilcoy is not the site of the first, or even the most recent, “Yowie” sighting. And hunters of Australia’s version of Bigfoot are no more likely to see it there than anywhere else in the country’s vast, rugged bushland.

    Yet, for decades, a vacant-eyed replica of a towering, hairy beast has stared into the distance from a plinth in the center of town.

    It’s a monument to an astonishing encounter almost 45 years ago, one that Tony Solano says he’ll never forget.

    “To this day, I am still convinced. Take it to my grave,” said Solano, who hasn’t spoken in any detail about what happened for 20 years.

    Kilcoy is home to just 2,000 people, and there were even fewer on December 28, 1979, when Solano and a friend, then both 16, spotted something scary — and almost inexplicable — in the woods.

    They didn’t know what it was at the time, but the incident became folklore, and a drawcard for tourists to the small rural community, set in rolling hills about one hour north of Brisbane in the state of Queensland.

    Solano said he and a friend were “armed to the hilt” during a camping trip on private property near Sandy Creek, a narrow waterway that winds almost 45 kilometers (28 miles) through the region.

    “We had probably three or four guns, a .22, .22 Magnum, 20-gauge shotgun solids … We were out hopefully chasing some pigs, but it never eventuated,” said Solano, of a time well before Australia introduced some of the world’s toughest gun laws.

    Solano’s memories are hazier than they once were, but he says he will never forget the sounds of branches snapping, and the terror that surged through his body as his friend fired shots at a beast that loomed 2 to 3 meters (6.5 to 9.8 feet) tall in nearby bushes.

    The bullets missed, and the boys spent a wide-eyed night beside loaded guns before leaving their campsite to raise the alarm.

    After steadying their nerves, they returned a few days later with their biology teacher to make a plaster cast of its massive footprint and posed for a photo with it for the local paper, looking suitably afraid.

    The town went wild.

    Before long, Yowie branding was slapped on everything from spoons to T-shirts and, within a year, Kilcoy got its first Yowie statue, a sculpture carved from a single beech log hoisted onto a plinth in the center of town as a warning — or a lure — for curious onlookers.

    The wooden Yowie stood for decades in Yowie Park, becoming a target of trophy hunters who regularly lopped off its genitals as a souvenir.

    The original started rotting and was replaced by another wooden version, which suffered the same fate, so they gave up and made a replica of fiberglass that was gender neutral.

    But in March 2022 — despite being securely attached to the plinth — the whole thing disappeared.

    Kilcoy residents woke one morning in March 2022 to find the Yowie had gone.

    Kilcoy residents woke one morning in March 2022 to find the Yowie had gone.

    Blurry images

    The specifics differ, but Yowies are generally described as much taller than a man, covered in hair and cloaked in an acrid stench with notes of wet dog and rotting flesh.

    Similar creatures are known as Bigfoot in the United States, Sasquatch in Canada, Hibagon in Japan, Yeren in China, and the Yeti or Abominable Snowman in the Himalayas.

    Some believe Yowies are capable of crossing dimensions, which is why their remains have never been found. Australia’s foremost Yowie hunter, Dean Harrison, is not so sure about that. “They look after their dead,” he said.

    Harrison runs Australian Yowie Research, a database that logs Yowie sightings across the country, and he’s struggling to work through a backlog.

    It’s not because there are more Yowies, he said, just more people who are less fearful of being ridiculed for sharing their story.

    Harrison’s first encounter with a Yowie was 30 years ago, when he was living in a home surrounded by trees on Tamborine Mountain in southeast Queensland.

    “I was walking towards the front door in the dark, and there was this awful noise coming from the swamp just beyond the fence,” he told CNN. “It was guttural, really guttural. I know koalas can make some pretty horrific noises, but this is nothing, nothing like a koala.”

    Harrison said he heard it walking on two feet, ripping foliage from the ground with every step. “And then it would throw whatever it’s pulling out, and you can hear it hit the other trees.”

    Did he see it as well?

    “No, this is all audio. But it was absolutely horrifying,” Harrison said.

    The next time was 1997, when one chased him through a field in the hinterland town of Ormeau. This time he saw it.

    “The way I describe it, is like a bear and a lion all in one. It was huge,” he said.

    An even closer encounter followed in 2009, when Harrison says he “got hit in the chest by one,” in wilderness around the tiny town of Kilkivan, north of Kilcoy. “You don’t get any closer than that,” he said.

    The next day, Harrison said he went for a solo hike and saw two Yowies. He didn’t have his phone on him, so wasn’t able to take a photo.

    However, years later Harrison and his team took thermal imaging equipment into the mountain ranges of D’Aguilar National Park, north of Brisbane, and caught on camera what they claimed were two Yowies.

    Blurry images show beasts standing at least 2.7 meters (9 feet) tall, he said.

    It’s hard to make out the Yowies’ features, but for a team of Yowie hunters who’ve dedicated years — even decades — to finding proof that they exist, the significance was extraordinary.

    The stolen Yowie

    In Kilcoy, the Yowie statue’s theft made the local newspaper, and a longtime mayor of the surrounding Somerset region, Graeme Lehmann — who retired early this year — was quick to point the finger.

    “You’d nearly say it’d have to be out-of-towners,” Lehmann told CNN at the time. “I don’t think the locals would have tried to destroy some of their heritage. The Yowie’s been something that’s been an icon to Kilcoy for a long, long time.”

    John McAulay, a former stockbroker and retired cattle farmer, has lived in Kilcoy for most of his 83 years. Despite never having seen a Yowie, he has become the local Yowie expert, at one stage giving talks to busloads of tourists, though he receives fewer requests for that these days.

    He’s not convinced the creatures exist. But then again, maybe they do.

    “It’s just the number of these bloody stories you hear,” he told CNN. “They can’t all be nuts or on drugs.”

    At the time of the 1979 sighting, McAulay’s father Bill was chairman of the local council and part of the team that commissioned the Yowie statue.

    “He was very disbelieving of the whole thing,” McAulay said. “But he could see the opportunity – or the council could – for promoting the town, and they jumped right on it.”

    Bill McAulay planned Yowie boat rides, an illuminated Yowie Hall of Fame and Yowie safaris around the countryside, according to news reports from the early 1980s.

    Joanne Kunde of Coff & Co holds a Yowie loaf.  - Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    Joanne Kunde of Coff & Co holds a Yowie loaf. – Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    The Yowies football team is a formidable opponent. - Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    The Yowies football team is a formidable opponent. – Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    None of that panned out but Yowies — or signs of them — aren’t hard to find in Kilcoy.

    Visitors can buy a Yowie loaf (double the standard size) at the local bakery opposite Yowie Park, where you can grab a Yowie coffee, near the training ground for the local Yowie football club.

    Until a couple of months ago, the local Exchange Hotel sold a Yowie burger. At the bar, regular Tony Morgan wasn’t buying the legend. “I think it’s a load of crap,” he said. “There’s no such thing.”

    Yowie, the outcast hunter

    The Yowie sighting may have made headlines in 1979, but the legend of the Kilcoy Yowie goes back much further than that — to Dreamtime stories of creation told by the land’s traditional custodians.

    More than a decade before the 1979 sighting, the late Aboriginal elder Uncle Willie Mackenzie, known to the Jinibara people as Gairabau, told the story of the Yowie to Lindsey Winterbotham, a doctor with an interest in anthropology, who set about making audio recordings of Indigenous culture.

    Gairabau’s Yowie story goes a little like this: Yowie was a famed hunter who caught so much prey for the Jinibara people that they gifted him a black possum-skin cloak. But he became an outcast after stealing a beautiful Jinibara woman, who had been promised to another man.

    When Yowie refused demands to return her, the elders sang a song that condemned him to live forevermore as a large hairy creature wandering the Jinibara lands around what’s now known as Kilcoy.

    At night, when all is quiet, his cries can still be heard.

    The Yowies are said to roam forest areas around Kilcoy. - Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    The Yowies are said to roam forest areas around Kilcoy. – Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    Uncle Willie told the story to his grandniece Auntie Jacqui Kina, according to a sign that was erected a decade ago outside Kilcoy Hospital.

    It fell down, but a new sign featuring the story will soon be erected outside the hospital – another stop for tourists on the Yowie trail.

    McAulay may know everything there is to know about Yowies, but he has no idea who stole the statue.

    The Yowie turned up soon after it vanished, partially submerged in a lake, among lily pads and reeds, several meters behind the plinth in Yowie Park.

    A guide at the local information center speculated that the culprits may have been local teenagers, out partying late at night, potentially armed with a welder to cut through the bolts securing it in place.

    New Somerset Mayor Jason Wendt, who took the job in March, says police likely dealt with the thieves the old-fashioned way.

    Mayor Jason Wendt poses with the Yowie, a key tourist attraction in Kilcoy. - Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    Mayor Jason Wendt poses with the Yowie, a key tourist attraction in Kilcoy. – Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    “It’s probably country policing at its best,” he said. “They were probably caught and told off by the local police and then probably learned their lesson.”

    At the time of the theft, local police told CNN that the incident wasn’t caught on camera and there wasn’t enough evidence to investigate it.

    Wendt, a veterinarian by trade who’s lived in the area for 30 years, says every town in the Somerset region has its selling point, and for Kilcoy, it’s the Yowie.

    The region is spectacularly beautiful, particularly after rain when its hills become lush with fodder for grazing cattle.

    The relaxed vibe is sometimes interrupted at night by deep rumbling roars and occasional screeches. So, if not a Yowie, what is it?

    “Deer,” Wendt stated conclusively. But it could also be koalas, he added. “Have you ever heard koalas when they’re mating? They’re scary things.”

    Back on the plinth

    It would be months before the Yowie statue was back on the plinth.

    The figure was repaired by a reluctant David Joffe, the director of sculpture company Natureworks, who has dedicated his life to creating realistic sculptures of oversized wildlife.

    Joffe told CNN the council first approached him in 2018 to replace the rotten wooden Yowie and again to fix the Yowie when it was dumped in the lake.

    He said he’d been excited about creating a more realistic Yowie for Kilcoy but was instead asked to make an exact copy of the original carving.

    “I normally don’t advertise the fact that we did it, because we didn’t, we just made a replica,” he said. “That there is a serious let-down, not a Yowie,” he said, referring to the statue.

    “If you look at the sculpture, all of the proportions are wrong.”

    The repaired Yowie still stares from the plinth in the center of town, out toward the service station on the main road where cattle trucks rattle back and forth from the local meat works.

    It’s been attached more securely to the plinth, to prevent any further late-night antics.

    Not far away, in the information center, the head of the original Yowie statue is kept in a glass case for visitors to admire. Plans are afoot to create an interactive display so visitors can immerse themselves in the legend.

    The head of the original wooden Yowie has been preserved in a glass case. - Hillary Whiteman/CNN

    The head of the original wooden Yowie has been preserved in a glass case. – Hillary Whiteman/CNN

    Solano says he is “amazed” the town is still talking about the incident, 45 years on.

    He says he didn’t see the creature, he just heard it, and that his friend, Warren Christensen, spied the beast and took the shot.

    Christensen told CNN he wants to leave the incident in the past. The former school friends are no longer in touch, Solano said.

    Solano is convinced the sighting was real, based on what the boys found when they returned: several large footprints, traces of brown hair on foliage, and headless hares whose bodies appeared to have been crushed.

    “You can make what you want out of it, but I’m a firm believer,” he said. “You can’t explain the footprints we’d seen, some of the hares around.”

    He also dismissed theories that it could have been another large animal.

    “Other people sort of judged it off by saying it was a large kangaroo. But you don’t get big reds, not around Kilcoy anyway, you have grays, but not big reds,” he said, referring to the largest breed of kangaroo that can stand 2 meters tall.

    “And other people said, ‘oh, you know, it was a big cow,’” he said. “No, not really. Cows don’t leave those sorts of footprints.”

    Kilcoy erected a Yowie statue after a sighting in 1979 and one still stands there decades on. - Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    Kilcoy erected a Yowie statue after a sighting in 1979 and one still stands there decades on. – Hilary Whiteman/CNN

    Solano no longer has the plaster cast they took of the Yowie’s footprint — it went missing during several house moves over the decades.

    He occasionally drives through Kilcoy but rarely stops — if he did he’d see his 16-year-old face in a yellowing newspaper article hanging on the wall of the local “hall of history.”

    Solano says he gained nothing from the sighting and has played no role in promoting it.

    He hasn’t needed to. The story has taken on a life of its own, and many Kilcoy residents are more than happy to share it.

    “Initially it was a bit of a story and now the town’s embraced it,” said Wendt, the Somerset mayor.

    “Is this creature really real?” he asked. “It’s talked about everywhere.”

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  • Charlie Adam: Fleetwood Town îl concediază pe fostul om de la Liverpool după o cursă slabă

    Fleetwood Town l-a demis pe managerul Charlie Adam, după puțin mai puțin de un an de muncă, după o serie de o victorie în ultimele 11 meciuri de ligă.

    Cod Army a pierdut sâmbătă cu 2-0 la Barrow, a cincea lor înfrângere într-o serie care include și cinci egaluri.

    În plus, au fost eliminați din Cupa FA în primul tur de la Reading luna trecută.

    Fostul mijlocaș de la Liverpool Adam a preluat conducerea în noaptea de Revelion 2023, înlocuindu-l pe Lee Johnson, la primul său loc de muncă ca manager.

    În vârstă de 39 de ani, nu a reușit să împiedice retrogradarea clubului din Lancashire în Liga a 2-a la sfârșitul sezonului trecut și în prezent se află pe locul 18 în clasament, cu opt puncte peste zona retrogradării.

    Proprietarul Fleetwood, Jamie Pilley, a declarat: „Aș dori să-i mulțumesc personal lui Charlie pentru angajamentul și profesionalismul său în ultimele 12 luni.

    “A fost o plăcere să lucrez cu el, dar rezultatele recente au însemnat că am simțit că este necesară o schimbare. Îi doresc succes în viitor.”

    Următorul meci al lui Fleetwood este împotriva lui Chesterfield acasă în Boxing Day.

  • Ipswich Town: Liam Delap despre viața în Premier League, Anglia țintește și îl admiră pe Cristiano Ronaldo

    Atacantul de la Ipswich, Liam Delap, i-a spus reporterului Football Focus Liam MacDevitt despre stilul său de joc, lucrând sub Kieran McKenna și țintând să obțină onorurile Angliei.

    Urmărește Fotbal Focus sâmbăta la 12:00 GMT pe BBC One, BBC iPlayer, site-ul web și aplicația BBC Sport

    Obțineți toate cele mai recente știri și vizualizări despre Ipswich Town

    Mai multe din Premier League, extern (site extern)

    Disponibil numai pentru utilizatorii din Marea Britanie.

  • Kettering Town de rangul șapte preia conducerea șoc împotriva Doncasterului

    Urmăriți un „final minunat” al lui Isiah Noel-Williams, în timp ce Kettering Town ia un avantaj șoc împotriva Doncaster Rovers în turul doi al Cupei FA.

  • S-a raportat un furt de mașini în apropierea magazinului din Easton Town Center

    COLUMBUS, Ohio (WCMH) — Poliția caută vineri cel puțin trei bărbați despre care au spus că ar fi fost implicați într-un furt de mașină în apropierea unui magazin din Easton Town Center.

    Dispecerații au declarat pentru NBC4 că, după ce au primit un apel la 15:06, ofițerii s-au apropiat de patru bărbați din interiorul unui vehicul furat în zonă. Grupul a coborât din mașină, apoi a fugit în spatele magazinului Crate & Barrel.

    Unul dintre bărbați era înarmat cu o armă, iar grupul a procedat la deturnarea unui alt vehicul, potrivit poliției Columbus. Ulterior, au găsit a doua mașină furată lângă intersecția dintre Morse Road și Heaton Road, la aproximativ 12 minute de magazin.

    Polițiștii au reținut cel puțin unul dintre suspecți, dar ceilalți trei au rămas în libertate începând cu ora 16:30.

    Copyright 2024 Nexstar Media, Inc. Toate drepturile rezervate. Acest material nu poate fi publicat, difuzat, rescris sau redistribuit.

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  • What We Learn From the Texas Town That Voted for Abortion and for Trump



    Politics


    /
    November 14, 2024

    The right to abortion won big this election—and so did the man who ended Roe v. Wade. Nowhere was that contradiction more pronounced than in Amarillo, Texas.

    Abortion-rights activist Harper Metcalf hods up a sign reading "Vote Against Prop A" and "Protect Personal Privacy" while sitting in the bed of a truck.
    Harper Metcalf, an abortion-rights organizer, hold a sign opposing Proposition A.(Amy Littlefield)

    Amarillo, Tex.—In the Texas panhandle city of Amarillo on Election Day, in the buckle of the Bible Belt, Dexie Organ, 60, dressed in black leggings and a red shirt, stepped out of her beat-up Nissan and headed across the parking lot to vote. On her way, she saw a volunteer holding a sign that read: “Vote No on Prop A.” Organ stopped. “I need a little education,” she told the sign-holder, Diann Anderson, who explained to her that Proposition A was an abortion travel ban that would deputize private citizens to sue anyone they suspected of helping someone travel through Amarillo to get an abortion out of state. “I do believe that is unconstitutional,” Organ told me. “We’re women; I don’t know why they think they need to suppress us.” Organ told me she has 14 children—and she’s had an abortion. “I have eight daughters…and I want them to have what they want,” she told me.

    So Organ went inside and cast her ballot against the ordinance—and in favor of Donald Trump.

    Across the country, a critical mass of voters made this seemingly contradictory choice along with Organ: The same electorate that voted for abortion rights in seven out of the 10 states where they were on the ballot also voted to return Trump, the man responsible for overturning Roe v. Wade, to office. Abortion rights ballot initiatives won alongside the most conservative of Republicans, like Senator Josh Hawley in Missouri and Tim Sheehy in Montana. Even in Florida, the high-stakes abortion rights ballot initiative won 57 percent of the vote, making it one point more popular than Trump himself; it failed only because Florida has a 60 percent threshold for an amendment to pass, higher than almost any other state. The right to abortion won big this election, yet so did the party that ended that right. Nowhere was the contradiction starker than right here in Amarillo, where the two counties spanning the city went for Trump by 72 and 80 percent, yet a resounding 59 percent of voters defeated an initiative that, among other provisions, sought to create civil penalties for anyone who helps an Amarillo resident travel for an abortion, end the disposal of fetal remains in the city, and revive the 1873 Comstock Act, which bans the mailing of abortion medication.

    Dexie Organ had her reasons—including doubts about Kamala Harris.

    “I would like to see a woman president, but I just don’t think she’s the one,” she told me. “She’s not strong enough to lead. We’ve got all these foreign wars going on and the men in the other leadership roles in our world would just annihilate us.”

    Plus, Organ was struggling economically, she told me, waiting tables and breeding dogs on top of her job as a certified nurse midwife.

    “Our country’s in ruins, financially,” she said, and she believed Trump would help.

    But the heart of the contradiction is this: She saw Trump’s position on abortion as acceptable because “he gave it to the states”—including her state, where abortion is banned. Trump had convinced Organ and perhaps millions like her that he did not pose a threat to their daughters. White women like Organ, a majority of whom voted for Trump, were willing to go along with Trump’s racism and misogyny, in part because he had convinced them his position on abortion was a moderate one. As for the Amarillo activists who managed to resoundingly defeat an anti-abortion initiative in the heart of Trump country? They won because they managed to convince voters that their cause was a conservative one.

    Current Issue

    Cover of November 2024 Issue

    The pro-choice signs I saw at the polling place in Amarillo could have come from the National Rifle Association or the Libertarian Party. “Say no to government overreach,” read one. “Defend our Constitution. Vote against Prop A,” read another. I noticed the same message emblazoned on a white sheriff’s SUV nearby: “Randall County Sheriff. Defending the Constitution.” An organizer against Prop A joked with The New Yorker’s Rachel Monroe about “the conservative hanger”—a door hanger that read “Protect Your Rights” with an eagle and a quotation from (virulently anti-abortion) Governor Greg Abbott that read: “If you want to start a fight with Texans, just try taking away their freedom.”

    “We are continuing to find that, regardless of political affiliation, the majority of Amarillo wants to reject this extremist ordinance,” Lindsay London, a nurse and cofounder of Amarillo for Reproductive Freedom Alliance told me as we stood in the parking lot. “They find it to be government overreach, a violation of privacy and freedom.”

    The “government overreach” line was so effective that supporters of the anti-abortion ordinance were coopting it, shouting: “Stop government overreach! Vote for Prop A!”

    The attempt to frame abortion rights as a conservative issue dates back to at least 1986 when pro-choice campaigners used messaging against government interference to defeat an anti-abortion ballot initiative in Arkansas, as Will Saletan wrote in his book Bearing Right. It’s been recycled across the country again and again. In Missouri, the successful campaign to enshrine a right to abortion until viability in the state constitution was called Missourians for Constitutional Freedom. Kansans used the same name to defeat an anti-abortion initiative there in 2022, and as I wrote then, some voters were so confused by the name they weren’t sure at first which side of the issue the canvassers were on. This year, a spokesperson for Arizona’s successful abortion rights ballot initiative campaign told The New Yorker they were counting on Republican voters for whom the issue “goes in conjunction with their conservative values—they don’t want the government in the doctor’s office with them.” As I reported, Floridians Protecting Freedom sought to peg that state’s six-week ban to the unpopular “government overreach” that angered Floridians during the Covid pandemic. “Do not attack Republicans (including DeSantis or Trump) directly,” internal guidance sent to supporters by the campaign urged. “Instead, refer to ‘extreme politicians’ who banned abortion.”

    So is it any wonder that voters like Dexie Organ felt they had permission to vote for abortion and Republicans? Campaigns like the one in Amarillo had met voters where they were, allowing them to vote against anti-abortion restrictions in a way that felt consistent with their conservative values. Perhaps, at least here in the Bible Belt, it was the only way to win. And it had worked—on voters like Bailey Odom, 22, a redhead with a ponytail who voted against the anti-abortion ordinance because she felt traveling to get an abortion should be a matter of “personal opinion,” and because her mom had cautioned her that the initiative would create “a whole bunch of snitches” who could file lawsuits to enforce it. “If you want to travel out to do it, that’s what you’ve really got to do, then go ahead,” she said. Odom voted for Trump because “the economy is crap,” as did her dad, Brandon, who voted against the anti-abortion ordinance because “my wife told me to.” Keith Morris, 51, voted against the anti-abortion ordinance and for the libertarian presidential candidate. “A lot of people here have forgotten what being Texan is all about,” he told me. “One thing that being Texan means: You don’t like people in your business, telling you what to do.”

    Trump, of course, will now be able to tell us all what to do when it comes to abortion. He could fulfill the promise of Project 2025 and invoke the 1873 Comstock Act to ban the mailing of abortion drugs nationwide, including in the very states that voted to protect abortion rights. The revival of Comstock has become the pet project of Mark Lee Dickson, whose “sanctuary city for the unborn” initiatives have passed in eight counties and 69 cities. Amarillo was Dickson’s latest battleground. After the city council rejected Dickson’s ordinance to empower private citizens to sue anyone who helped someone travel through the city to get an abortion out of state, Dickson and his supporters gathered signatures to put the issue before voters on Election Day. Dickson looked somber Tuesday night as he addressed a few dozen supporters gathered in a local church. “We’ve got to be honest. What happened?” Dickson said. “What happened in Amarillo, Texas?”

    The answers to this question were dancing their hearts out in a burger bar across town. The women who had defeated Dickson cheered and threw their arms in the air. Harper Metcalf stood under the glow of the fairy lights and sparkly Texas flag streamers, eyes shining. I’d met her earlier in the day as she sat in her pickup truck outside the polling place with a sign that read “Vote no on Prop A.” She’d been organizing against Dickson for over a year. Now, she seemed to be radiating joy. “How do you feel?” I asked and she looked me in the eye and whispered: “I don’t know if I’ve ever been this happy.” Behind her a TV screen over the bar was tuned to MSNBC. Trump was going to win.

    I took a breath and held Metcalf’s joy like a life vest. There would be so much to reckon with in the days and the weeks and the years to come. Soon, data would show what was already becoming clear: that about three in 10 voters in Arizona, Missouri, and Nevada who supported abortion rights ballot measures also voted for Trump. I knew as I stood in that bar that we’d spend years parsing how these initiatives had succeeded where Democrats had failed. One answer is that these campaigns had siloed “reproductive freedom” off the rest of the progressive agenda. They had proven abortion could win in isolation, even in red states, but that these wins would not translate into victories for Democrats. Kamala Harris had failed to articulate a winning economic message that connected reproductive freedom with a sense that Democrats would help struggling people raise the families they did want. Against the backdrop of a loss that felt bottomless, I tried, for a moment, to find the hope.

    “A victory is a milestone on the road, evidence that sometimes we win and encouragement to keep going, not to stop,” the author Rebecca Solnit wrote. Her book Hope in the Dark got me through Trump’s first presidency. Victory, she wrote, “is something that has arrived in innumerable ways, small and large and often incremental, but not in that way that was widely described and expected. So victories slip by unheralded. Failures are more readily detected.” I watched Lindsay London leap into the air, throwing her fist over her head. Soak it up, I told myself. You are going to need this feeling. There would be time, later, to count the cards, and face the long fight ahead. There would be time, in every small corner of victory across the country, from Missouri to Amarillo, to rethink the strategy, to consider what winning had cost. But tonight, just for tonight, they were going to revel in their joy.

    We cannot back down

    We now confront a second Trump presidency.

    There’s not a moment to lose. We must harness our fears, our grief, and yes, our anger, to resist the dangerous policies Donald Trump will unleash on our country. We rededicate ourselves to our role as journalists and writers of principle and conscience.

    Today, we also steel ourselves for the fight ahead. It will demand a fearless spirit, an informed mind, wise analysis, and humane resistance. We face the enactment of Project 2025, a far-right supreme court, political authoritarianism, increasing inequality and record homelessness, a looming climate crisis, and conflicts abroad. The Nation will expose and propose, nurture investigative reporting, and stand together as a community to keep hope and possibility alive. The Nation’s work will continue—as it has in good and not-so-good times—to develop alternative ideas and visions, to deepen our mission of truth-telling and deep reporting, and to further solidarity in a nation divided.

    Armed with a remarkable 160 years of bold, independent journalism, our mandate today remains the same as when abolitionists first founded The Nation—to uphold the principles of democracy and freedom, serve as a beacon through the darkest days of resistance, and to envision and struggle for a brighter future.

    The day is dark, the forces arrayed are tenacious, but as the late Nation editorial board member Toni Morrison wrote “No! This is precisely the time when artists go to work. There is no time for despair, no place for self-pity, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language. That is how civilizations heal.”

    I urge you to stand with The Nation and donate today.

    Onwards,

    Katrina vanden Heuvel
    Editorial Director and Publisher, The Nation

    Amy Littlefield

    Amy Littlefield is The Nation’s abortion access correspondent and a journalist who focuses on reproductive rights, healthcare, and religion. She is the author of the forthcoming book American Crusaders, a history of the anti-abortion movement over the last fifty years, to be published in 2026.

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