Tag: Learn

  • She hoped to learn more about her enslaved ancestors. A trip South revealed hard truths.

    Earlier this year, as she and her spouse piled into their Hyundai Tucson and prepared to travel the American South seeking answers about the ancestors she knew had been enslaved, Michelle Johnson found other questions suddenly on her mind.

    Am I deluding myself, she wondered? Will I actually find anyone? Is this really that important?

    “I just had to let go and say, let’s go for it and see what happens,” the retired Boston professor said.  “I had some trepidation. But look how it paid off.”

    Johnson’s long journey through family keepsakes, official documents and ultimately the land where her ancestors once toiled illustrates both the complex challenges and rewards for Black Americans, logistically and emotionally, in pursuing their genealogical histories.

    In the past, the thought of digging into her family history had never occurred to Johnson, who’d taught journalism at Boston University. An heirloom family Bible offered names and family rumors swirled around other details, but she harbored little hope of finding much more.

    “We all knew that as African Americans that our records are spotty,” she said. “There’s this thing called slavery that gets in the way of going down any serious rabbit holes.”

    Michelle Johnson, professor emerita of journalism at Boston University, holds a photo of her great-great-grandfather Simon Peak in Glenn Springs, S.C., where according to 1870 census records Peak briefly lived as an adolescent, in April 2024. Johnson and spouse Myrna Greenfield drove from Boston to North and South Carolina in search of genealogical information about Johnson's mother's side of the family.

    Michelle Johnson, professor emerita of journalism at Boston University, holds a photo of her great-great-grandfather Simon Peak in Glenn Springs, S.C., where according to 1870 census records Peak briefly lived as an adolescent, in April 2024. Johnson and spouse Myrna Greenfield drove from Boston to North and South Carolina in search of genealogical information about Johnson’s mother’s side of the family.

    Prior to 1870’s post-emancipation census, enslaved individuals were often listed only by their first names, gender and age.

    “To put it in a nutshell, you’re looking for people listed as property rather than as people,” said Hollis Gentry, a genealogy information specialist for the Smithsonian Libraries and Archives in Washington, D.C. “African American lives were valued according to how much they could produce as laborers.”

    As a result, Black Americans are required not only to research their own families but those who enslaved them, Gentry said.

    Ric Murphy, president general of the Society of the First African Families of English America, a heritage society based in Palmyra, Virginia, said those potential roadblocks have discouraged many from delving into their family histories.

    “However, as new documents are surfacing because people are now learning to do genealogical searches, the brick wall of 1870 has been shattered,” Murphy said. “A lot of obstacles were put in our way, but we’re becoming very sophisticated in navigating the genealogical land mines that are out there. It’s so much harder for us, but also more rewarding as well.”

    Johnson, 68, had signed up for an Ancestry.com account, intrigued by family stories and photos supplied by her mother, Doris Yarborough Johnson. Realizing there were gaps in the story that couldn’t be filled by just searching databases, she was inspired to act after watching episodes of “Finding Your Roots,” the PBS show hosted by Harvard University professor Henry Louis Gates Jr.

    Dr. Henry Louis Gates of "Finding Your Roots" speaks during the PBS segment of the Summer 2019 Television Critics Association Press Tour 2019 at The Beverly Hilton Hotel on July 29, 2019 in Beverly Hills, California.

    Dr. Henry Louis Gates of “Finding Your Roots” speaks during the PBS segment of the Summer 2019 Television Critics Association Press Tour 2019 at The Beverly Hilton Hotel on July 29, 2019 in Beverly Hills, California.

    “I had this sense that there was information locked up in libraries or maybe some church records, that there was probably stuff I was missing,” she said. “That was the big impetus for this trip, to break out of the digital space and just go down and see if I could find documents that hadn’t been digitized.”

    She decided to travel South.

    The experience, Johnson said, was significant not only on a personal level but on a broader one as well.

    “It confirmed that Black history is American history,” she said. “There are people who want to separate it out and make it all about the Founding Fathers, but there’s history that predates all of us in this country, and the history of African Americans being enslaved and how they survived and excelled in the years after. … It just taught me about resilience and that the American dream exists in a number of ways.”

    A journey to the past begins

    Johnson and spouse Myrna Greenfield left Boston in April on a journey that would see them wander old graveyards and get tailgated by impatient locals on two-lane backroads in search of four family names: Yarborough, Peaks, Turner and Mills.

    “This wasn’t just a road trip,” she wrote in a narrative she compiled about her journey. “It was a pilgrimage into the heart of my family’s history.”

    A collage of photos showing Michelle Johnson and spouse Myrna Greenfield embarking on their trip from Boston to South Carolina and North Carolina in search of genealogical information about Johnson's maternal side of the family, from a narrative report Johnson ultimately produced about their findings. Johnson, a retired journalism professor at Boston University, was inspired to make the trip after watching the PBS show, "Finding Your Roots."

    A collage of photos showing Michelle Johnson and spouse Myrna Greenfield embarking on their trip from Boston to South Carolina and North Carolina in search of genealogical information about Johnson’s maternal side of the family, from a narrative report Johnson ultimately produced about their findings. Johnson, a retired journalism professor at Boston University, was inspired to make the trip after watching the PBS show, “Finding Your Roots.”

    Johnson mostly hoped to find where her mother’s family members were from, maybe even the plantations they had worked on. She was curious about her mother’s Scotch-Irish maiden name of Yarborough and had been aware of census records listing some family members as mulatto.

    “I knew from my grandmother telling me stories about the slave owner slipping down to the slave quarters that we had sides of our family who could pretty much pass for white,” she told USA TODAY. “But we didn’t know who they were or where that had happened.”

    Her search had become more than just a hobby. She needed to understand, as so many others do, her place in the world and those whose lives had paved the way for her own success.

    For Black Americans, she wrote, such searches can be fraught with complexities, with family histories “inextricably intertwined with the painful legacy of slavery, the struggles of Reconstruction and the ongoing fight for equality and justice.”

    Johnson had two destinations in mind. Her mother had shared fond memories of Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where she’d lived as a young girl, and of Spartanburg, South Carolina, where she’d been born and spent summers with her grandparents.

    Librarians in both places were more helpful than she could have imagined. When she visited Spartanburg, a local librarian had pulled materials in advance, with books and computer printouts on a table awaiting her arrival.

    “I dropped my jaw when we walked up and she showed us what she’d found,” Johnson said. “Not only was there a fair amount of material on us, but she explained that was because my family was owned by one of the biggest plantation and slave owners in the county.”

    In Spartanburg, S.C., librarian Christen Bennett, at left, shows retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson materials detailing some of Johnson's maternal family history. Johnson was inspired to travel from Boston to South and North Carolina doing genealogical research after watching episodes of the PBS show, "Finding Your Roots."

    In Spartanburg, S.C., librarian Christen Bennett, at left, shows retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson materials detailing some of Johnson’s maternal family history. Johnson was inspired to travel from Boston to South and North Carolina doing genealogical research after watching episodes of the PBS show, “Finding Your Roots.”

    That individual, she learned, was Govan Mills, who according to an 1850 “slave schedule” owned more than 100 slaves in North Carolina and South Carolina.

    “Records for the white side are always voluminous because they had to file taxes, slave schedules and records of real estate sales and purchases,” Johnson said. “I about passed out. I had been looking for this information for years, and all of a sudden there it was right in front of me.”

    She and Greenfield started highlighting printouts and taking photos of pages from non-circulated books that detailed bits of her family history. Johnson learned slaves were used not just as labor but as collateral to purchase land and goods, with two individuals she believed to be Jerry and Myra Mills, her great-great-grandparents, listed by their first names in those 1850 records.

    Discovering lived truths prompts mix of emotions

    Unearthing the lived truths of one’s ancestors, especially those affected by enslavement, can unleash a variety of emotions, the Smithsonian’s Gentry said.

    “You get the whole gamut, from ecstasy and joy to sorrow and grief,” she said. “It’s like, ‘I found them,’ and there’s joy in that. Then there’s the grief of realizing, they had a monetary value and were treated in a certain manner. … It’s sad when you realize the implications of that information.”

    While Johnson had had years to accept the idea that her ancestors had been enslaved, to see their status officially documented was jarring.

    She learned the grand home where Govan Mills once lived not only still stood just across the border in Tryon, North Carolina, but was listed on the National Register of Historic Places. She unearthed an online invitation to a recent event that provided directions to the site.

    A family photo of Myra Mills, the great-great-grandmother of retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson. Johnson, who traveled to South Carolina and North Carolina in April 2024 to research her family history, said Mills and her husband Jerry were born into slavery and was able to locate the house in Tryon, N.C., where their slave owner once lived.

    A family photo of Myra Mills, the great-great-grandmother of retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson. Johnson, who traveled to South Carolina and North Carolina in April 2024 to research her family history, said Mills and her husband Jerry were born into slavery and was able to locate the house in Tryon, N.C., where their slave owner once lived.

    She and Greenfield drove there, hoping to find the house and snap a quick picture in front, with Johnson holding a photo of her great-great-grandmother. Instead, they encountered the home’s current residents, a white couple who invited them in for beverages and a tour, the four of them discussing art, history and genealogy – a scenario that would have been beyond Jerry and Myra Millswildest imaginings.

    Before seeing Johnson and Greenfield off and inviting them to return, Jeff and Sherry Carter showed them the former kitchen and slave quarters behind the home, as well as the will that Govan Mills had left in 1862 valuing Jerry and Myra Mills and their two children at $2,700 ‒ about $8 million in today’s dollars.

    “They had taken the slave cabin and pieced it together with this old kitchen and use it as a guesthouse now,” Johnson said. “There was a ladder leaning up against it and they told us the enslaved persons working there would have used it to up to the second level. … I wondered if any of my relatives would have been there. Would they have worked in that kitchen? To be in that space where some of them might have been was really moving.”

    Census records from 1870 showed Jerry and Myra Mills stayed in the Spartanburg area post-emancipation, where they legalized their marriage in 1866 – a right not allowed them when they were enslaved. By 1900, Myra was listed as a widow, and her 1916 death record listed the cause as cancer, her parents and birthplace unknown.

    The Mills’ lives spanned two major American historical periods, the antebellum South and the post-Civil War era. Their twice-widowed daughter Susan, meanwhile, would continue the family line from Reconstruction to the early Civil Rights Movement, her two marriages looping in the family names of Turner and Peak.

    Because South Carolina kept no official records before 1911, Johnson said, no record existed of Susan’s marriage to Andy Turner, estimated by Ancestry.com to have occurred around 1893. By 1920, however, records showed she was married to farmer Simon Peak, a former slave who grew up during the Civil War.

    A page from an early 1930s-era yearbook of former Atkins High School in Winston-Salem, N.C., shows Dowd Yarborough Jr. at bottom. Yarborough was the maternal grandfather of Michelle Johnson, a retired Boston University professor inspired to dig into her family history and travel to North Carolina and South Carolina to research her mother's side of the family.

    A page from an early 1930s-era yearbook of former Atkins High School in Winston-Salem, N.C., shows Dowd Yarborough Jr. at bottom. Yarborough was the maternal grandfather of Michelle Johnson, a retired Boston University professor inspired to dig into her family history and travel to North Carolina and South Carolina to research her mother’s side of the family.

    Those same records showed 9-year-old Annie Mae, Johnson’s grandmother, among the children listed in the Peak household. The Peaks would relocate to Winston-Salem between 1930 and 1937.

    Meanwhile, Annie Mae Peak would marry Dowd Yarborough in 1935, the couple eventually moving to Baltimore. While Dowd perished under mysterious circumstances, Annie Mae persevered with just a grade-school education, pushing her three children to succeed, with Johnson’s mother and uncle earning advanced degrees from historically Black universities.

    ‘The ancestors will speak to you’

    The trip far exceeded Johnson’s expectations, and as she and Greenfield began their trip back to Boston, Johnson suggested a slight detour to rural Franklinton, North Carolina, where a death certificate had told her a member of the Yarborough family had been buried.

    The two wandered a local cemetery once set aside for nonwhites and found several Yarboroughs, but none matched the names from Johnson’s research. Instead, they stopped for lunch, where their waitress asked what had brought them to town, chuckling when she heard they were seeking Yarboroughs; the area was full of them.

    The waitress suggested heading to a nearby small town called Oxford, which had a genealogy room.

    There, a librarian led them to county directories with family narratives in alphabetical order. When Johnson flipped to the ‘Y’ section, she discovered a page featuring many of the names she’d encountered in her research, with more stories indicating slave roots and noting “all members of this branch of Yarboroughs were/are all mulattos.”

    A page from a library collection of family histories detailing the Yarborough family in a region north of Raleigh. Retired journalism professor Michelle Johnson came across the book at an Oxford, N.C., library while researching her family genealogy in April 2024. Yarborough was her mother's maiden name.

    A page from a library collection of family histories detailing the Yarborough family in a region north of Raleigh. Retired journalism professor Michelle Johnson came across the book at an Oxford, N.C., library while researching her family genealogy in April 2024. Yarborough was her mother’s maiden name.

    The whole detour had been by chance – or had it? The librarian felt otherwise, saying that when people visited the genealogy room they often said they felt guided by ancestors.

    Johnson had to agree.

    “We would have completely missed this had I not stopped there,” Johnson said. “It was a hell of a way to end the trip.”

    Murphy, of the heritage society, said Johnson’s experience echoes those he’s heard from others who have made that emotional journey.

    “I tell people all the time that once you start genealogy, the ancestors will speak to you,” he said. “They will often tell you where to look and whether a piece of paper is important enough. The ancestors are very restless, and almost everyone will say the ancestors guided them.”

    Honoring memory, forging identity

    While more than 400 heritage societies operate in the U.S., few specialize in verifying the histories of people descending from those once enslaved, Gentry said.

    Johnson knows she isn’t a professional genealogist and eventually hopes to have her findings certified. In the meantime, though, she still hopes to research her father’s side of the family.

    A collage of photos taken in April 2024 by retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson of the home where former slave owner Govan Mills lived in Tryon, N.C.. Johnson, 68, traveled to North and South Carolina to research her maternal family history, discovering that Mills had owned Jerry and Myra, Johnson's great-great-grandparents, as slaves. She ended up meeting the home's current owners, who toured her around the house and former slave quarters.

    A collage of photos taken in April 2024 by retired Boston University professor Michelle Johnson of the home where former slave owner Govan Mills lived in Tryon, N.C.. Johnson, 68, traveled to North and South Carolina to research her maternal family history, discovering that Mills had owned Jerry and Myra, Johnson’s great-great-grandparents, as slaves. She ended up meeting the home’s current owners, who toured her around the house and former slave quarters.

    She’s shared copies of her narrative with her family so younger generations can pass it on to their kids.

    “In doing so,” she wrote, “we not only honor their memory but also forge a stronger sense of our own identity.”

    Johnson said Black Americans daunted by the task of researching their own family trees should start small. Tools now available have made it much easier, she said, especially as companies like Ancestry.com incorporate the power of artificial intelligence.

    Such advances have inspired new waves of amateur and professional researchers, in the way that author Alex Haley’s 1976 novel “Roots” sparked an interest in documenting Black American genealogy with the resources at hand.

    “Genealogical research has been democratized,” Gentry said.

    Reclaiming those stories, Johnson said, is critical given recent movements to whitewash American history.

    “I hope that folks make sure it continues to be taught in our educational institutions, but if it doesn’t, we will do what the ancestors did,” she said. “We will tell our own stories.”

    This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Family genealogy: For Black Americans, search offers trials, rewards

  • What We Learn From the Texas Town That Voted for Abortion and for Trump



    Politics


    /
    November 14, 2024

    The right to abortion won big this election—and so did the man who ended Roe v. Wade. Nowhere was that contradiction more pronounced than in Amarillo, Texas.

    Abortion-rights activist Harper Metcalf hods up a sign reading "Vote Against Prop A" and "Protect Personal Privacy" while sitting in the bed of a truck.
    Harper Metcalf, an abortion-rights organizer, hold a sign opposing Proposition A.(Amy Littlefield)

    Amarillo, Tex.—In the Texas panhandle city of Amarillo on Election Day, in the buckle of the Bible Belt, Dexie Organ, 60, dressed in black leggings and a red shirt, stepped out of her beat-up Nissan and headed across the parking lot to vote. On her way, she saw a volunteer holding a sign that read: “Vote No on Prop A.” Organ stopped. “I need a little education,” she told the sign-holder, Diann Anderson, who explained to her that Proposition A was an abortion travel ban that would deputize private citizens to sue anyone they suspected of helping someone travel through Amarillo to get an abortion out of state. “I do believe that is unconstitutional,” Organ told me. “We’re women; I don’t know why they think they need to suppress us.” Organ told me she has 14 children—and she’s had an abortion. “I have eight daughters…and I want them to have what they want,” she told me.

    So Organ went inside and cast her ballot against the ordinance—and in favor of Donald Trump.

    Across the country, a critical mass of voters made this seemingly contradictory choice along with Organ: The same electorate that voted for abortion rights in seven out of the 10 states where they were on the ballot also voted to return Trump, the man responsible for overturning Roe v. Wade, to office. Abortion rights ballot initiatives won alongside the most conservative of Republicans, like Senator Josh Hawley in Missouri and Tim Sheehy in Montana. Even in Florida, the high-stakes abortion rights ballot initiative won 57 percent of the vote, making it one point more popular than Trump himself; it failed only because Florida has a 60 percent threshold for an amendment to pass, higher than almost any other state. The right to abortion won big this election, yet so did the party that ended that right. Nowhere was the contradiction starker than right here in Amarillo, where the two counties spanning the city went for Trump by 72 and 80 percent, yet a resounding 59 percent of voters defeated an initiative that, among other provisions, sought to create civil penalties for anyone who helps an Amarillo resident travel for an abortion, end the disposal of fetal remains in the city, and revive the 1873 Comstock Act, which bans the mailing of abortion medication.

    Dexie Organ had her reasons—including doubts about Kamala Harris.

    “I would like to see a woman president, but I just don’t think she’s the one,” she told me. “She’s not strong enough to lead. We’ve got all these foreign wars going on and the men in the other leadership roles in our world would just annihilate us.”

    Plus, Organ was struggling economically, she told me, waiting tables and breeding dogs on top of her job as a certified nurse midwife.

    “Our country’s in ruins, financially,” she said, and she believed Trump would help.

    But the heart of the contradiction is this: She saw Trump’s position on abortion as acceptable because “he gave it to the states”—including her state, where abortion is banned. Trump had convinced Organ and perhaps millions like her that he did not pose a threat to their daughters. White women like Organ, a majority of whom voted for Trump, were willing to go along with Trump’s racism and misogyny, in part because he had convinced them his position on abortion was a moderate one. As for the Amarillo activists who managed to resoundingly defeat an anti-abortion initiative in the heart of Trump country? They won because they managed to convince voters that their cause was a conservative one.

    Current Issue

    Cover of November 2024 Issue

    The pro-choice signs I saw at the polling place in Amarillo could have come from the National Rifle Association or the Libertarian Party. “Say no to government overreach,” read one. “Defend our Constitution. Vote against Prop A,” read another. I noticed the same message emblazoned on a white sheriff’s SUV nearby: “Randall County Sheriff. Defending the Constitution.” An organizer against Prop A joked with The New Yorker’s Rachel Monroe about “the conservative hanger”—a door hanger that read “Protect Your Rights” with an eagle and a quotation from (virulently anti-abortion) Governor Greg Abbott that read: “If you want to start a fight with Texans, just try taking away their freedom.”

    “We are continuing to find that, regardless of political affiliation, the majority of Amarillo wants to reject this extremist ordinance,” Lindsay London, a nurse and cofounder of Amarillo for Reproductive Freedom Alliance told me as we stood in the parking lot. “They find it to be government overreach, a violation of privacy and freedom.”

    The “government overreach” line was so effective that supporters of the anti-abortion ordinance were coopting it, shouting: “Stop government overreach! Vote for Prop A!”

    The attempt to frame abortion rights as a conservative issue dates back to at least 1986 when pro-choice campaigners used messaging against government interference to defeat an anti-abortion ballot initiative in Arkansas, as Will Saletan wrote in his book Bearing Right. It’s been recycled across the country again and again. In Missouri, the successful campaign to enshrine a right to abortion until viability in the state constitution was called Missourians for Constitutional Freedom. Kansans used the same name to defeat an anti-abortion initiative there in 2022, and as I wrote then, some voters were so confused by the name they weren’t sure at first which side of the issue the canvassers were on. This year, a spokesperson for Arizona’s successful abortion rights ballot initiative campaign told The New Yorker they were counting on Republican voters for whom the issue “goes in conjunction with their conservative values—they don’t want the government in the doctor’s office with them.” As I reported, Floridians Protecting Freedom sought to peg that state’s six-week ban to the unpopular “government overreach” that angered Floridians during the Covid pandemic. “Do not attack Republicans (including DeSantis or Trump) directly,” internal guidance sent to supporters by the campaign urged. “Instead, refer to ‘extreme politicians’ who banned abortion.”

    So is it any wonder that voters like Dexie Organ felt they had permission to vote for abortion and Republicans? Campaigns like the one in Amarillo had met voters where they were, allowing them to vote against anti-abortion restrictions in a way that felt consistent with their conservative values. Perhaps, at least here in the Bible Belt, it was the only way to win. And it had worked—on voters like Bailey Odom, 22, a redhead with a ponytail who voted against the anti-abortion ordinance because she felt traveling to get an abortion should be a matter of “personal opinion,” and because her mom had cautioned her that the initiative would create “a whole bunch of snitches” who could file lawsuits to enforce it. “If you want to travel out to do it, that’s what you’ve really got to do, then go ahead,” she said. Odom voted for Trump because “the economy is crap,” as did her dad, Brandon, who voted against the anti-abortion ordinance because “my wife told me to.” Keith Morris, 51, voted against the anti-abortion ordinance and for the libertarian presidential candidate. “A lot of people here have forgotten what being Texan is all about,” he told me. “One thing that being Texan means: You don’t like people in your business, telling you what to do.”

    Trump, of course, will now be able to tell us all what to do when it comes to abortion. He could fulfill the promise of Project 2025 and invoke the 1873 Comstock Act to ban the mailing of abortion drugs nationwide, including in the very states that voted to protect abortion rights. The revival of Comstock has become the pet project of Mark Lee Dickson, whose “sanctuary city for the unborn” initiatives have passed in eight counties and 69 cities. Amarillo was Dickson’s latest battleground. After the city council rejected Dickson’s ordinance to empower private citizens to sue anyone who helped someone travel through the city to get an abortion out of state, Dickson and his supporters gathered signatures to put the issue before voters on Election Day. Dickson looked somber Tuesday night as he addressed a few dozen supporters gathered in a local church. “We’ve got to be honest. What happened?” Dickson said. “What happened in Amarillo, Texas?”

    The answers to this question were dancing their hearts out in a burger bar across town. The women who had defeated Dickson cheered and threw their arms in the air. Harper Metcalf stood under the glow of the fairy lights and sparkly Texas flag streamers, eyes shining. I’d met her earlier in the day as she sat in her pickup truck outside the polling place with a sign that read “Vote no on Prop A.” She’d been organizing against Dickson for over a year. Now, she seemed to be radiating joy. “How do you feel?” I asked and she looked me in the eye and whispered: “I don’t know if I’ve ever been this happy.” Behind her a TV screen over the bar was tuned to MSNBC. Trump was going to win.

    I took a breath and held Metcalf’s joy like a life vest. There would be so much to reckon with in the days and the weeks and the years to come. Soon, data would show what was already becoming clear: that about three in 10 voters in Arizona, Missouri, and Nevada who supported abortion rights ballot measures also voted for Trump. I knew as I stood in that bar that we’d spend years parsing how these initiatives had succeeded where Democrats had failed. One answer is that these campaigns had siloed “reproductive freedom” off the rest of the progressive agenda. They had proven abortion could win in isolation, even in red states, but that these wins would not translate into victories for Democrats. Kamala Harris had failed to articulate a winning economic message that connected reproductive freedom with a sense that Democrats would help struggling people raise the families they did want. Against the backdrop of a loss that felt bottomless, I tried, for a moment, to find the hope.

    “A victory is a milestone on the road, evidence that sometimes we win and encouragement to keep going, not to stop,” the author Rebecca Solnit wrote. Her book Hope in the Dark got me through Trump’s first presidency. Victory, she wrote, “is something that has arrived in innumerable ways, small and large and often incremental, but not in that way that was widely described and expected. So victories slip by unheralded. Failures are more readily detected.” I watched Lindsay London leap into the air, throwing her fist over her head. Soak it up, I told myself. You are going to need this feeling. There would be time, later, to count the cards, and face the long fight ahead. There would be time, in every small corner of victory across the country, from Missouri to Amarillo, to rethink the strategy, to consider what winning had cost. But tonight, just for tonight, they were going to revel in their joy.

    We cannot back down

    We now confront a second Trump presidency.

    There’s not a moment to lose. We must harness our fears, our grief, and yes, our anger, to resist the dangerous policies Donald Trump will unleash on our country. We rededicate ourselves to our role as journalists and writers of principle and conscience.

    Today, we also steel ourselves for the fight ahead. It will demand a fearless spirit, an informed mind, wise analysis, and humane resistance. We face the enactment of Project 2025, a far-right supreme court, political authoritarianism, increasing inequality and record homelessness, a looming climate crisis, and conflicts abroad. The Nation will expose and propose, nurture investigative reporting, and stand together as a community to keep hope and possibility alive. The Nation’s work will continue—as it has in good and not-so-good times—to develop alternative ideas and visions, to deepen our mission of truth-telling and deep reporting, and to further solidarity in a nation divided.

    Armed with a remarkable 160 years of bold, independent journalism, our mandate today remains the same as when abolitionists first founded The Nation—to uphold the principles of democracy and freedom, serve as a beacon through the darkest days of resistance, and to envision and struggle for a brighter future.

    The day is dark, the forces arrayed are tenacious, but as the late Nation editorial board member Toni Morrison wrote “No! This is precisely the time when artists go to work. There is no time for despair, no place for self-pity, no need for silence, no room for fear. We speak, we write, we do language. That is how civilizations heal.”

    I urge you to stand with The Nation and donate today.

    Onwards,

    Katrina vanden Heuvel
    Editorial Director and Publisher, The Nation

    Amy Littlefield

    Amy Littlefield is The Nation’s abortion access correspondent and a journalist who focuses on reproductive rights, healthcare, and religion. She is the author of the forthcoming book American Crusaders, a history of the anti-abortion movement over the last fifty years, to be published in 2026.

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